The world has abandoned our cries for help, creating more significant pollution, extravagant lifestyles, and bigger profits for themselves. Soon, they will face the changes we have lived with for many years… only then, maybe, they will think about what they have done to our world.
-Mikaire-
If we are forced to leave, we do not want to go as refugees. We are too proud, too strong, too much as a people to do that to ourselves.
-Tetaake-
The discourse surrounding global warming in Kiribati traces back to the 1980s, a time when much of the developed world had yet to fully grasp the implications of industrialization on our planet. Despite mounting evidence, a lingering global debate has cast doubt on the existence of global warming. Interestingly, while I-Kiribati have observed significant changes in their natural environment over the decades, few directly attribute these shifts and resulting hardships to global warming. This reluctance stems partly from a deeply ingrained belief in God's promise never to flood the earth again—a conviction that holds immense sway in a country where over 95% of the population identifies as Christian.
In the face of undeniable secular impacts, many I-Kiribati have chosen to deny the reality of global warming for non-secular reasons. It's important to note that the individuals represented in these migrant narratives did not officially leave Kiribati due to environmental concerns, although several expressed deep apprehension about the environmental situation at home. Nevertheless, the global community's acknowledgment of the reality of global warming remains incomplete, despite its long-standing presence and its role in driving long-term population displacement and migration.
It's clear that the larger global context, which shapes the migration patterns of Kiribati, profoundly influences the experiences and outcomes of migrants who share their stories with us. These migration patterns, in turn, exert a significant impact on diaspora outcomes and the preservation of cultural identity in migrants' new homes abroad.
Those who found themselves uprooted from their familiar surroundings were forced to undergo a conscious reinvention in order to navigate the challenges of their new environment. This often entailed mastering a foreign language, securing and retaining employment, managing financial responsibilities such as bills, engaging in education, acquiring driving skills, participating in retirement planning, and a myriad of other tasks that may seem mundane to some.
Contrary to common misconceptions, the act of immigrating to a new country is far from easy or glamorous; it requires resilience and strength. It demands a willingness to adapt, learn, and overcome obstacles, both seen and unseen. It is a journey fraught with uncertainty and adversity, and only those with unwavering determination can truly thrive amidst its challenges.
In areas where the I-Kiribati community is sparse, successive generations tend to assimilate into the dominant culture, gradually losing proficiency in the Kiribati language and traditions. However, the preservation of the mother tongue and cultural heritage is significantly bolstered in environments where there is a stronger presence of I-Kiribati migrants. In these settings, social bonds and relationships among the community members serve as a catalyst for the retention and transmission of Kiribati language and cultural practices across generations.
From observations, it appears that modern-day remittance economies may become less critical as the focus shifts from supporting relatives back home to sustaining lives in new countries. However, it is plausible that the support provided to new migrants could lead to similar challenges of resource depletion and overcrowding witnessed in Kiribati's urban centers. The prospect of crowded households and limited shared resources could exacerbate the hardships faced by migrants today. As chain migration gains momentum, single-family houses could easily accommodate ten or more family members. In such scenarios, Kiribati's welfare system, known as te utu, and familial support networks will become more vital than ever.
While the nation prepares for future relocation, many countries are hesitant to accept thousands of migrants, even if they possess valuable education and skills to contribute to a new national economy. As a result, migrants from Kiribati often leave the country through work schemes and subsequently bring over relatives through chain migration processes. However, many acknowledge that this strategy is not a sustainable solution in the event of a potential climate change catastrophe.
Drawing from previous studies on forced migration among Pacific Islanders (Kiste, 1974; Barker, 2004), Kiribati migrants are anticipated to encounter a plethora of challenges. Much like the Bikinians who were compelled to leave their islands due to nuclear detonations by the United States Government (Barker, 2004), I-Kiribati individuals, if not already, are likely to harbor deep resentment and a profound sense of injustice, as they are currently unable to seek reparations from the responsible parties. As Kiribati grapples with escalating problems, stemming from a systemic and pervasive push for global economic growth, the world has profited at their expense, contributing to significant damage to their homelands through atmospheric changes, alterations in weather patterns, and rising tides, ultimately resulting in population displacement and irreversible ecological losses.
On July 8, 2013, Fiji’s Acting Prime Minister disclosed that Kiribati had acquired a 6,000-acre estate for agricultural endeavors (Deo, 2013). The Natoavatu Estate spans 5,451 acres, a vast expanse 15 times larger than Betio, which serves as the commercial hub and most densely populated area of Kiribati (KAP III, 2013). While the primary objective of this acquisition is stated as food production, there exists a plausible scenario where temporary worker relocation could evolve into permanent human resettlement in the near future.
As these communities depart from their island homes, they will continue to rely heavily on one another for survival in their new environments. Over time, the cultures of host societies will inevitably take root in individuals born in New Zealand, the U.S., or Australia, reshaping their identities.
Despite the physical distance, each migrant remained deeply connected to their Kiribati roots, maintaining a strong sense of community through various means across space and time. Central to this connection were both virtual and physical migrant communities. These communities played a crucial role in shaping a transnational identity and preserving a Kiribati compromise culture abroad.
Daily interactions with fellow I-Kiribati through activities like dance practices, fundraising events, and cultural performances underscored the significance of Kiribati culture and language, providing avenues for its continued utilization and celebration.
In the United States, virtual communities served as vital platforms for Kiribati interaction. However, these platforms often catered to individual users, limiting broader family participation and potentially alienating those who couldn't speak Kiribati, such as children and spouses.
In contrast, migrants in Morningside utilized virtual technologies to maintain connections with family members individually while also fostering daily contact with other I-Kiribati through a thriving physical community.
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